Medical Sat Calculus History 33 English Questions

The ones with no choices are short answers. I will put them in word document and here:

1. (LC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

What does this line tell you about the beings on Mars?

Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. (4 points)

They are interested in humans.
They are disinterested in humans.
They do not want to be involved with Earth.
They cannot understand what happens on Earth.
2. (MC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Which of these statements best describes the aliens as they are depicted in paragraph one of this excerpt? (4 points)

They feel inferior to humans.
They are disinterested.
They are kind.
They are intelligent.
3. (MC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

Read this line from The War of the Worlds:

It necessarily follows that [Mars] is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end

What does this line from the story tell you about Mars? (4 points)

Mars beginnings were more mysterious and distant than those of other planets.
Mars has a specific beginning and ending because of its distance from the Sun.
Mars is far enough away from the Sun that it could remain hidden.
Mars is nearer the end of its existence than Earth.
4. (MC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

Read this line from The War of the Worlds:

It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days…

What does this line from the text suggest about people? (4 points)

Many people have changed the way they think about history.
Many things have changed in the thinking of the people of Earth.
People of Earth have many strange and unchanging beliefs.
People of the current time think more clearly than others.
5. (LC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

In three to five complete sentences, describe the environment on Mars. Use information from the text to support your answer. (10 points)

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6. (MC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

Which of the following states the central idea of the third paragraph? (4 points)

Inhabitants of Mars were blessed with an ever-increasing intelligence.
Melting snowcaps caused the inhabitants of Mars to prey upon the humans of Earth.
The distance between Mars and Earth was not enough to deter invasion.
Inhabitants of Mars looked toward Earth for various reasons, some rather obvious.
7. (MC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

Which of the following states the central idea of the fourth paragraph? (4 points)

Humans must have been of little concern for the inhabitants of Mars who saw only their needs.
Humans are more like monkeys than the inhabitants of Mars are like humans.
Intellectually, humans knew invasion was likely given the constant struggle for survival.
The Martian world was undergoing dangerous cooling of the climate.
8. (MC)

The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)

BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt

No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.

The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.

And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation after generation, creeps upon them.

What key idea does the text below suggest?

Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond its earthly level. (4 points)

Earth’s idea of intelligence is insufficient.
Humans are vain and pompous creatures.
Humans are blind to their own shortcomings and weaknesses.
Pride kept humans from imagining life beyond Earth.
9. (MC)

Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt

(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick—ime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

Roosevelt lists four freedoms in his speech. Which of the following phrases from the text identifies how practical Roosevelt believes it is to achieve these freedoms? (4 points)

I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.
I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation
Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them.
This is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.
10. (MC)

Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt

(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

Which of the following best summarizes Roosevelt’s list of four essential human freedoms? (4 points)

All U.S. citizens should have the same civil liberties guaranteed by the Constitution.
As many Americans as possible should have access to things like pensions and good medical care.
Everyone in the world should be able to speak and worship freely and live without poverty or fear.
Everyone in the world should have access to social security and employment.
11. (MC)

Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt

(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

In his speech, Roosevelt states the following:

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

Which of the following best describes the particular sacrifice that he is calling for? (4 points)

Paying more money in taxes
Applauding the ideas in the speech
Pursuing freedom from want
Sharing a vision of a distant millennium
12. (MC)

Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt

(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

What phrase from the passage best represents what Roosevelt is asking from the American people in this passage? (4 points)

Enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress
Inner and abiding strength
Personal sacrifice
Freedom of speech
13. (MC)

Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt

(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

Read these lines from the Roosevelt excerpt:
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

Based on the context, what does Roosevelt say makes people patriotic? (4 points)

Willingness to be honest
Willingness to defend the country
Willingness to pay taxes
Willingness to uphold principles
14. (LC)

Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt

(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forwar

Unformatted Attachment Preview

1. (LC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. No one gave a thought to the older
worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon
them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed
days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to
themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that
are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and
unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans
against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more
distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its
temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a
present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened
their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with
instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance
only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with
vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its
drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far
gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as
inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that,
generation after generation, creeps upon them.
What does this line tell you about the beings on Mars?
Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish,
intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely
drew their plans against us. (4 points)
They are interested in humans.
They are disinterested in humans.
They do not want to be involved with Earth.
They cannot understand what happens on Earth.
2. (MC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. No one gave a thought to the older
worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon
them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed
days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to
themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are
to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic,
regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in
the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.
Which of these statements best describes the aliens as they are depicted in paragraph one of this
excerpt? (4 points)
They feel inferior to humans.
They are disinterested.
They are kind.
They are intelligent.
3. (MC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under
the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human
danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is
curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there
might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary
enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts
that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and
slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great
disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only
more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its
temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a
present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened
their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with
instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance
only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with
vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its
drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far
gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as
inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that,
generation after generation, creeps upon them.
Read this line from The War of the Worlds:
It necessarily follows that [Mars] is not only more distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end
What does this line from the story tell you about Mars? (4 points)
Mars beginnings were more mysterious and distant than those of other planets.
Mars has a specific beginning and ending because of its distance from the Sun.
Mars is far enough away from the Sun that it could remain hidden.
Mars is nearer the end of its existence than Earth.
4. (MC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under
the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human
danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is
curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men
fancied there might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a
missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of
the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious
eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the
great disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more
distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its
temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a
present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened
their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with
instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance
only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with
vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its
drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far
gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as
inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that,
generation after generation, creeps upon them.
Read this line from The War of the Worlds:
It is curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days…
What does this line from the text suggest about people? (4 points)
Many people have changed the way they think about history.
Many things have changed in the thinking of the people of Earth.
People of Earth have many strange and unchanging beliefs.
People of the current time think more clearly than others.
5 (LC)
.
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being watched
keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as men busied
themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost as narrowly
as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and multiply in a drop of
water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their little affairs, serene in
their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under the microscope do the
same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human danger, or thought of
them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is curious to recall some of
the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there might be other men upon
Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary enterprise. Yet across the gulf of
space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts that perish, intellects vast and cool
and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and slowly and surely drew their plans against
us. And early in the twentieth century came the great disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more
distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its temperate
zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a present-day
problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened their intellects,
enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with instruments, and
intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance only 35,000,000 of
miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with vegetation and grey
with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its drifting cloud wisps
of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far gone
in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as inferior
animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that, generation
after generation, creeps upon them.
In three to five complete sentences, describe the environment on Mars. Use information from the text to
support your answer. (10 points)
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6. (MC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under
the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human
danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is
curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there
might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary
enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts
that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and
slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great
disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more
distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its
temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a
present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened
their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with
instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance
only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with
vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its
drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far
gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as
inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that,
generation after generation, creeps upon them.
Which of the following states the central idea of the third paragraph? (4 points)
Inhabitants of Mars were blessed with an ever-increasing intelligence.
Melting snowcaps caused the inhabitants of Mars to prey upon the humans of Earth.
The distance between Mars and Earth was not enough to deter invasion.
Inhabitants of Mars looked toward Earth for various reasons, some rather obvious.
7. (MC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under
the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human
danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is
curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there
might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary
enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts
that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and
slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great
disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more
distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its
temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a
present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened
their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with
instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance
only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with
vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its
drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far
gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as
inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that,
generation after generation, creeps upon them.
Which of the following states the central idea of the fourth paragraph? (4 points)
Humans must have been of little concern for the inhabitants of Mars who saw only their needs.
Humans are more like monkeys than the inhabitants of Mars are like humans.
Intellectually, humans knew invasion was likely given the constant struggle for survival.
The Martian world was undergoing dangerous cooling of the climate.
8. (MC)
The War of the Worlds
by H. G. Wells [1898]
But who shall dwell in these worlds if they be
inhabited?…Are we or they Lords of the
World?…And how are all things made for man?—
KEPLER (quoted in The Anatomy of Melancholy)
BOOK ONE: THE COMING OF THE MARTIANS
CHAPTER ONE: THE EVE OF THE WAR, excerpt
No one would have believed in the last years of the nineteenth century that this world was being
watched keenly and closely by intelligences greater than man’s and yet as mortal as his own; that as
men busied themselves about their various concerns they were scrutinised and studied, perhaps almost
as narrowly as a man with a microscope might scrutinise the transient creatures that swarm and
multiply in a drop of water. With infinite complacency men went to and fro over this globe about their
little affairs, serene in their assurance of their empire over matter. It is possible that the infusoria under
the microscope do the same. No one gave a thought to the older worlds of space as sources of human
danger, or thought of them only to dismiss the idea of life upon them as impossible or improbable. It is
curious to recall some of the mental habits of those departed days. At most terrestrial men fancied there
might be other men upon Mars, perhaps inferior to themselves and ready to welcome a missionary
enterprise. Yet across the gulf of space, minds that are to our minds as ours are to those of the beasts
that perish, intellects vast and cool and unsympathetic, regarded this earth with envious eyes, and
slowly and surely drew their plans against us. And early in the twentieth century came the great
disillusionment.
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. Nor was it generally understood that since Mars is older than our earth, with scarcely a
quarter of the superficial area and remoter from the sun, it necessarily follows that it is not only more
distant from time’s beginning but nearer its end.
The secular cooling that must someday overtake our planet has already gone far indeed with our
neighbour. Its physical condition is still largely a mystery, but we know now that even in its equatorial
region the midday temperature barely approaches that of our coldest winter. Its air is much more
attenuated than ours, its oceans have shrunk until they cover but a third of its surface, and as its slow
seasons change huge snowcaps gather and melt about either pole and periodically inundate its
temperate zones. That last stage of exhaustion, which to us is still incredibly remote, has become a
present-day problem for the inhabitants of Mars. The immediate pressure of necessity has brightened
their intellects, enlarged their powers, and hardened their hearts. And looking across space with
instruments, and intelligences such as we have scarcely dreamed of, they see, at its nearest distance
only 35,000,000 of miles sunward of them, a morning star of hope, our own warmer planet, green with
vegetation and grey with water, with a cloudy atmosphere eloquent of fertility, with glimpses through its
drifting cloud wisps of broad stretches of populous country and narrow, navy-crowded seas.
And we men, the creatures who inhabit this earth, must be to them at least as alien and lowly as are the
monkeys and lemurs to us. The intellectual side of man already admits that life is an incessant struggle
for existence, and it would seem that this too is the belief of the minds upon Mars. Their world is far
gone in its cooling and this world is still crowded with life, but crowded only with what they regard as
inferior animals. To carry warfare sunward is, indeed, their only escape from the destruction that,
generation after generation, creeps upon them.
What key idea does the text below suggest?
Yet so vain is man, and so blinded by his vanity, that no writer, up to the very end of the nineteenth
century, expressed any idea that intelligent life might have developed there far, or indeed at all, beyond
its earthly level. (4 points)
Earth’s idea of intelligence is insufficient.
Humans are vain and pompous creatures.
Humans are blind to their own shortcomings and weaknesses.
Pride kept humans from imagining life beyond Earth.
9. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic
things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is
dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to
that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give
you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—ime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation
of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Roosevelt lists four freedoms in his speech. Which of the following phrases from the text identifies how
practical Roosevelt believes it is to achieve these freedoms? (4 points)
I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.
I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation
Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them.
This is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.
10. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Which of the following best summarizes Roosevelt’s list of four essential human freedoms? (4 points)
All U.S. citizens should have the same civil liberties guaranteed by the Constitution.
As many Americans as possible should have access to things like pensions and good medical care.
Everyone in the world should be able to speak and worship freely and live without poverty or fear.
Everyone in the world should have access to social security and employment.
11. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
In his speech, Roosevelt states the following:
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
Which of the following best describes the particular sacrifice that he is calling for? (4 points)
Paying more money in taxes
Applauding the ideas in the speech
Pursuing freedom from want
Sharing a vision of a distant millennium
12. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
What phrase from the passage best represents what Roosevelt is asking from the American people in
this passage? (4 points)
Enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress
Inner and abiding strength
Personal sacrifice
Freedom of speech
13. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I
shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from
taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of
this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be
constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of
pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Read these lines from the Roosevelt excerpt:
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
Based on the context, what does Roosevelt say makes people patriotic? (4 points)
Willingness to be honest
Willingness to defend the country
Willingness to pay taxes
Willingness to uphold principles
14. (LC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable
in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called
new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able
to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Read these lines from the Roosevelt excerpt:
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose [in favor of] the greater conception—the moral order.
Roosevelt clarifies his meaning about moral order in context in the following line:
A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
“World domination” and “foreign revolutions” illustrate which idea from the excerpt? (4 points)
A new order of tyranny
A good society
A greater conception
A distant millennium
15. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard
of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment
insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful
employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the
world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic
understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere
in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide
reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a
position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
In his speech, Roosevelt makes three lists:
(1) the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
(2) issues in the U.S. economy that call for immediate improvement
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment
insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
(3) essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic
understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
In which of these three lists does Roosevelt effectively use repetition? (4 points)
1 only
2 and 3
1 and 3
2 only
16. (LC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Which is an area that needs to be addressed to improve the social economy? (4 points)
Security for those who need it
Wider opportunities for adequate medical care
Instilling fear in neighboring countries
Preservation of civil liberties for all
17. (LC)
What type of sentence is this?
Because he wants to make the track team, Travis runs three miles after school every day, and his
father times him. (4 points)
Simple
Compound
Complex
Compound-complex
18. (LC)
What type of sentences is this?
Before Alan could graduate, he had to pass his final exams, so his brother helped him study. (4 points)
Simple
Compound-complex
Compound
Complex
19. (LC)
Which sentence sets an informal tone? (4 points)
When the room has been cleared, we need to develop an agenda for the meeting.
Once the room has been cleared, we can establish the protocol for the meeting.
When the room is clear, let’s get organized and plan the meeting.
Once we have removed the press from the room, we can create a strategy for the meeting.
20. (MC)
Which of these statements has the most casual tone? (4 points)
Whoa, great costume, man! I didn’t even know that was you.
Your ensemble for the costume party was so well designed, I did not recognize you.
Nice work on your costume. It is a great disguise.
I didn’t know that was you. Your costume is the best one at the party.
21. (MC)
A student wrote the following sentence:
Because Hester refuses to leave Salem after her public trial, she clearly has issues. Her choice to live
out her punishment rather than escape it shows both strength of character and a deep belief in the
idea of atonement.
Which replacement word would best clarify the meaning of “issues”? (4 points)
Anxieties
Fears
Guilt
Terrors
22. (LC)
Why is it important to know an opponent’s position when developing an argument? (4 points)
So readers understand who is arguing that point.
So readers know what you are trying to disprove.
So readers can decide for themselves which side is more entertaining.
So readers can disagree with the point you are arguing.
23. (MC)
Read the sentence below:
Movie monsters like Godzilla and King Kong offer a critical mirror in which society can view itself.
Which revision of this sentence changes the tone to a less formal one? (4 points)
A critical lens through which to view ourselves is offered up by movie monsters such as Godzilla and King Kong.
Movie monsters like Godzilla and King Kong give us a chance to see ourselves more critically.
Watching through the critical lens that Godzilla and King Kong offer, viewers gain critical understanding of themselves.
When watching Godzilla and King Kong, viewers come to understand themselves more critically.
24. (LC)
If the writer’s opinions are not objective, the source (4 points)
has authority
is not accurate
is biased
lacks currency
2 (HC)
5.
You have been assigned a research paper on the history of the internet. Describe in a paragraph of five
to seven complete sentences the types of sources you would consult to complete the assignment.
Explain the process you would use to locate them and what would make them authoritative sources. (10
points)
Font Font
Family Size
26. (LC)
Which of the following words suggests tone? (4 points)
Playful
Style
Rhyming
Systems
27. (MC)
Franklin Roosevelt’s “State of the Union Address, 1941,” excerpt
(…) For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable
complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems
is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment
may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond
to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall
recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of
tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our
legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will
give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the
world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction
of
armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny
which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face
schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful
revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without
the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and
women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human
rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Which of the following lines from the Roosevelt speech is an example of pathos? (4 points)
A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.
Quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick—lime in the ditch.
The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
28. (LC)
Which of the following is a good tip to remember when making a presentation? (4 points)
Vary your tone, pitch, and pace
Rush when making a main point
Do not correct mistakes
Avoid practicing ahead of time
29. (LC)
Which sentence uses an elongated hyphen correctly? (4 points)
Frank went skiing – snowboarding – tubing last winter.
Last weekend, Laurie applied for three jobs – at the mall.
All three flavors – chocolate, vanilla, and strawberry – were sold out at the ice cream store.
Alex – and – Jan are celebrating their mother’s birthday.
30. (LC)
Which sentence uses an elongated hyphen correctly? (4 points)
Amber likes dancing – and singing, so she has practiced both since she was a little girl.
Hilary – Daniel – and Andre love Broadway musicals, so they joined the show choir at their school.
The band — is looking for a new drummer because their former drummer moved to a different town.
Andrew wanted to learn to play the guitar – even though he couldn’t read music – so he could join a band.
31. (MC)
How does this sentence demonstrate an unusual use of syntax?
The boy did what? (4 points)
It ends with a question mark but is not a question.
The subject comes before the predicate.
It is not a complete sentence.
The traditional syntax has been inverted, or reversed.
32. (LC)
A student must argue both sides of an issue. To not show bias or favoritism, this student must make
sure to treat each side ___________. (4 points)
carefully: exercising or taking care; attentiveness
equally: to an equal or uniform degree
respectfully: marked by or showing respect or deference
rationally: having reason or understanding
33. (LC)
Alexis worked all year as an intern at the local community center. Her experience working with children
at the center made her the most ______________ person for a full-time summer camp counselor
position.
Which of these words most precisely describes Alexis as the best person for the job? (4 points)
prepared: made ready in advance
fortified: strengthened and secured
interested: involved and curious
qualified: having the required skills

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